Mora and Syllable Accentuation

要旨

The authors argue that metrical feet can immediately dominate morae and show that Internally Layered (IL) feet offer an insightful account of ‘mora-counting’ metrical patterns. This situation occurs only under duress of metrical foot form constraints, which impose strict requirements on the number of morae in the head and dependent positions in metrical feet. The authors propose to encode this situation in terms of the IL foot, a minimally recursive metrical foot (Martínez-Paricio 2012, 2013; Martínez-Paricio and Kager 2015). They support this claim with data from Gilbertese, which exhibits a metrical distribution of high pitch and stress that disrespects syllable integrity. They show that this pattern can be analyzed straightforwardly using IL feet. A second goal of this chapter is to show that IL feet offer an insightful account of ‘mora-counting’ metrical patterns in which prominence is located on the syllable that contains the antepenultimate mora, in particular in Tokyo Japanese loanword accentuation and Dihovo Macedonian stress.

主題