Edges of primary predication

要旨

Abstract Chapter 2 investigates the consequences of Cyclic Linearization for scrambling and quantifier stranding. I start the discussion by introducing a long-standing puzzle concerning a subject–object asymmetry in licensing floating numeral quantifiers in Korean and Japanese. The chapter shows that previous accounts that rely on a mutual c-command condition or a ban on subject scrambling do not solve the puzzle properly. The chapter argues that the conspiracy of Cyclic Linearization and constraints on domain-internal movement explains the puzzle. This argument is further supported by a variety of other asymmetries between subject scrambling and object scrambling. It then extends the claim to asymmetries in sub-extraction in Russian. Important challenges against the Phase Impenetrability Condition are also discussed. Concluding, it shows that a general order-preservation effect that holds for syntactic edges, called the Edge Generalization, explains seemingly heterogeneous puzzles concerning sub-extraction.

主題